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quote:
Originally posted by MBM:
quote:
Originally posted by Dell Gines:

For those who don't know, Omaha is currently has the largest Sudanese population outside of Sudan in America.


Out of curiosity, how did that occur? Why is there such a large Sudanese population there? How has Omaha welcomed them?


I had a feeling that I might be able to find somebody in Iowa making the same claim. But they qualify it with the phrase "per capita". (I think that Omaha is about twice the population of Des Moines.)

quote:

Q: How in the heck do you pronounce "Des Moines?"

A:
"Da-Moyn." The 's' is always silent.

Q: Is "Des Moines" French or something?

A:
Yes. The name Des Moines came from a river early French explorers called "La Riviere de Moingona," most likely derived from the French words "de Moyen" meaning "the middle." The Des Moines river flows through the town today. Despite the lineage of the central city's name, most Greater Des Moines residents don't have French backgrounds. About a third of the residents claim German ancestry and another quarter say they have English, Scottish or Irish background. We also have the largest Sudanese population (per capita) and a large Bosnian population. Our Hispanic and Asian communities are growing, as well.

http://www.desmoinesmetro.com/newsroom_background_faq.asp




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Posts: 5751 | Registered: May 21, 2003Reply With QuoteEdit or Delete MessageReport This Post
MBM
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But, alas, why to Des Moines as well? I understand why there is a large Puerto Rican community in New York, Irish and Italian in Boston, Cuban in Miami etc., why/how did folks from Sudan find there way to the mid-west? Were there social organizations/programs there that attracted them? Was it an organic thing where somehow someone woke up one morning there and then folks kept following him there? Maybe it was a Mormon-like progression of folks from the Sudan to Des Moines in search of religous freedom? 15

Just curious . . .




 
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I think that the majority of the Sudanese population here in Iowa came here directly from Sudan as refugees.



This message has been edited. Last edited by: ricardomath,




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Posts: 5751 | Registered: May 21, 2003Reply With QuoteEdit or Delete MessageReport This Post
A1
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Posted Hide Post
quote:
Originally posted by MBM:
But, alas, why to Des Moines as well? I understand why there is a large Puerto Rican community in New York, Irish and Italian in Boston, Cuban in Miami etc., why/how did folks from Sudan find there way to the mid-west? Were there social organizations/programs there that attracted them? Was it an organic thing where somehow someone woke up one morning there and then folks kept following him there? Maybe it was a Mormon-like progression of folks from the Sudan to Des Moines in search of religous freedom? 15

Just curious . . .


I did a little googling, and found some interesting stuff on the Iowa/Sudan connection. Here's a transcript from a radio discussion eight and a half years ago, in April of 1998.

See the discussion with Jonathan Leuth (about half-way down), who immigrated from Sudan to Iowa 15 years before this interview, around 1983. He mentions an another Iowan from Sudan, John Garang, who "grew up in Iowa" and must have come here sometime in the early to mid 1960s, and who recieved his BA in Economics from Grinell College in 1969, and sometime later recieved his PhD here at Iowa State, before going on to lead the Sudanese People's Liberation Army for 22 years, and eventually become the Vice-President of Sudan last year in 2005, an office which he held for 3 weeks before being killed in a helocopter crash.

(I'll copy the whole thing here, since the link is over eight years old, and could dissapear anytime.)


quote:
Air Date: April 14, 1998

Program 9815

GROWING DIVERSITY


Guests:

Zeljka Krvavica, Case Manager, Iowa Bureau of Refugee Services

Gerard Heinauer, Omaha District Director, US Immigration and Naturalization Service

Dennis Ryerson, Editor, The Des Moines Register

John Roof, Mayor of Waterloo, Iowa

Jonathan Leuth, Advisor, Iowa State University

(This text has been professionally transcribed. However, for timely

distribution, it has not been edited or proofread against the tape.)


KEITH PORTER, Producer: Do people find it surprising that there are Bosnians in Iowa?

ZELJKA KRVAVICA: Yes. When I mention that I am a Bosnian from Iowa it's always the first
reaction is, "Why Iowa?"

PORTER: This week on Common Ground, growing diversity in the American Midwest.

DENNIS RYERSON: It used to be cultural diversity was the Lutherans and the Methodists
getting together for softball games. Things are changing a lot.

PORTER: Common Ground is a program on world affairs and the people who shape events. It's produced by the Stanley Foundation. I'm Keith Porter.

PORTER: (with music in the background) This is a group of dancers from Bosnia-Herzegovina.
The girls are 9-12 years of age, and they live in the middle of Iowa. There's been a small revolution taking place in the American Midwest recently. At some immigration and naturalization offices in Nebraska and Iowa, business is up 500-600% in just the last 4 years. And these new immigrants are coming from some of the most unlikely places.

KRVAVICA: I didn't decide to come to Iowa. I was resettled to Iowa. I am originally from
Sarajevo, Bosnia, and when the war started I became a refugee with my two sons. We went to Denmark and then to Croatia. My husband stayed in Sarajevo and after a year-and-a-half we got reunited finally through the help of the American Embassy in Croatia.

PORTER: This is Zeljka Krvavica. She now serves as a Case Manager at the State of Iowa's Bureau of Refugee Services.

KRVAVICA: My oldest son was born in Washington, DC and he had an American citizenship. So the Embassy was involved in helping this American citizen and his family. And we were assigned for the program for resettlement of Bosnian refugees to the United States. And we were resettled to Des Moines, Iowa.

PORTER: I understand when you were in the resettlement office in Zagreb you had some questions about Iowa.

KRVAVICA: I lived in the United States for five years, in Washington, DC, and I knew something about Iowa, but not everything. At the time when I was interviewed by the American Resettlement Officer in the Resettlement Office in Zagreb I grabbed the opportunity to ask her a few questions about Iowa and at my first question she answered, "Well, let me see, Iowa—potatoes." And at that time I knew she was talking about Idaho, so I decided to grab a book and learn something about this great state myself.

PORTER: Are there many in Iowa or in the rest of the Midwest, Bosnians?

KRVAVICA: Yes. In Des Moines there are around 3,000 Bosnian refugees right now. There is a great number of Bosnian refugees in Waterloo that have been resettled from Chicago as secondary migrants, and IBP has done lots of recruitment of Bosnian refugees from Chicago, and they brought them to Waterloo to work at IBP.

PORTER: Tell our listeners what IBP is.

KRVAVICA: IBP is Iowa Beef & Pork Industry. And a majority of Bosnians who live in Waterloo work at that industry. And I think there is around 2,000 Bosnian refugees in Waterloo at this moment. We have a few families in Cedar Rapids and we also have a few families right now in Davenport, which is getting to be a bigger site for resettlement of Bosnia refugees.

PORTER: Tell us about your job, what it is you do now.

KRVAVICA: I work as a Bosnian Case Manager. The official title that I have in the Refugee Services is a Refugee Specialist I. It means that I am assigned a case load of Bosnian refugees, which I take care of. I meet the refugees when they first come. I meet them at the airport. I arrange with their sponsor families for their apartments, for furniture through our office. I help them do their first medical appointments and refugee physicals when they arrive. I help them enroll kids in schools. I help them find jobs. And I closely follow my families for approximately 3-6 months. And then after that if there is a problem in the family we still work very closely together, but if the family is becoming self-sufficient then we are not seeing each other quite often.

PORTER: Tell us something about the transition process. Is it relatively easy? Relatively difficult? What could make it easier?

KRVAVICA: It's hard. Physically it's hard, technically it's hard, emotionally it's hard, and I think that the only way to make it easier is for the refugees to be given the opportunity to study the language. It may sound very trivial to you that, you know, the language is the barrier, but it really is. When you don't speak the language of the country where you live in it's very, very hard to get around. Emotionally it's very difficult because majority of our families have lost everything their homes have been destroyed, their member of the families were killed, raped, lost in war. So we have lots of families that struggle with this emotional side of their well-being right now. And technically it's hard because the culture is different, the way of life is different, the school system is different, work ethics is different. So it takes some time to get used to it.

But on the other side I have lots of friends who live throughout the United States and when I compare their experience to our experience, ours is great. Because Iowa has really been very open to Bosnian refugees. We had great sponsors who became not only the friends but members of the families to Bosnian refugees. And it really means a lot.

PORTER: For these sponsor families, are they difficult to find? And why do they choose to enter the program?

KRVAVICA: We, no. I think right now it's a little bit more difficult than it was at the very beginning, because we have so many families coming and we cannot find that many sponsors. But many sponsors get involved through churches or through their employers. We even have schools sponsoring families. And for them it's a great experience. It's a possibility to help someone who has been endangered. It's a possibility to learn something about another culture. And we have many sponsors that even speak Bosnian. So it's not difficult, I guess.

PORTER: I guess one thing that I'm sure is surprising to our listeners is that Iowa, they assume and they would be correct in assuming that it is one of the least culturally diverse states in the country. Do people find it surprising that there are Bosnians in Iowa?

KRVAVICA: Yes. Usually you are, whenever you mention somewhere, I traveled a lot in the past couple of years to different conferences throughout the United States. And when I mention that I am a Bosnian from Iowa it's always the first reaction is, "Why Iowa?" And I always struggle and fight with everyone who thinks the life here is dull and you know, not interesting. Because I really think that your life depends on how interesting a person you are. And my life in Iowa has been great. I mean my kids accommodated very well, my husband has a good job with the Principal Financial Group, I have a good job with the Refugee Services, we are involved in the Bosnian community, and in general I think the Bosnian community and the Bosnian people have accomplished a good life in the United States.

PORTER: Are you in contact much with people coming to Iowa from other countries, outside of Bosnia?

KRVAVICA: Yes. Because in our office we have different case managers and we have people, we have a Sudanese case manager, Southeast Asian case managers, so our office is like a little United Nations. We have different languages. It's very funny in the morning, because we speak all the languages and we know to say hello in all the languages and it's really a nice thing to work in our office and you are exposed to different experience, to different culture, and I've learned a lot.

GERARD HEINAUER: Our office covers Iowa and Nebraska, so we have 750 linear miles that we cover. But the growth in our office in terms of both examinations or service to the public, as well as enforcement, has grown astronomically.

PORTER: This is Jerry Heinauer. He's Director of the Omaha Office of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service.

HEINAUER: In 1994 our office received about 800 applications for naturalization. That went up last year, so that we received over 6,000. And so we're looking at a period of 4 years and increase of that is, you know, absolutely phenomenal. We've, in terms of enforcement, in 1994 our office arrested and removed 423 people that were in the United States illegally in the states of Iowa and in Nebraska. Last year our office arrested and removed 2,529 people. So that's over a 600% increase in a matter of four years.

PORTER: How has the immigrant population changed in Iowa and Nebraska over this time?

HEINAUER: Well, the number of people that we've had apply to become lawful permanent residents has also gone up in the same sort of percentage as the numbers of applications we've had for people applying to become naturalized citizens. We've seen a very big increase in Iowa for the number of people applying to become lawful permanent residents. And Iowa, I truly believe, is one of the states that really welcomes their arms and their hearts to new immigrants and especially to people as refugees. People that are fleeing war-torn countries like Sudan or Bosnia-Herzegovina.

PORTER: Yeah. Give us some idea of where people are coming from now as opposed to where they were in years past.

HEINAUER: Well, in terms of people that are coming here as refugees, now they are coming from Bosnia-Herzegovina overwhelmingly, or from the Sudan, as opposed to in the last few years we would receive, the United States would maybe 45,000 people a year from the former Soviet Union, 45,000 people a year from Vietnam. And so those numbers and those countries have changed, because of what's taken place.

PORTER: Do you do much in the way of education? I'm trying to tell people what not people who are coming to this country, I mean the citizens of the country about the role the legal immigration plays in the economy and in our history.

HEINAUER: Well, we do. Because I think one of the things that the United States wants to do is send a very clear signal that we want to encourage people to come here legally and we went to continue to welcome that, because America is a nation of generations of immigrants who built our country. And we are a, we still are a very generous nation in terms of welcoming immigrants. We welcome about a million persons each year as lawful permanent residents. And that is more than all countries in the Western world combined that number. So what we want to do is we want to encourage legal immigrant and at the same time say "No&" to illegal immigration.

DENNIS RYERSON: It used to be cultural diversity was the Lutherans and the Methodists getting together for softball games. Things are changing a lot.

PORTER: This is Dennis Ryerson. He's Editor of The Des Moines Register.

RYERSON: We're certainly hearing it more and more. And I'm hearing it more in our coverage efforts as newspaper. Certainly there are more and more cultures in our state and we need to cover all of them. We need to do more of incorporating the different cultures in our regular news coverage. When we're writing a story about education, we need to make sure that we're including minority teachers that we're quoting among the experts, the educators, as well as the typical white crowd. So we've got an active effort in our newspaper we call it mainstreaming—that we're trying to poll people who ordinarily wouldn't be in a story, but they're part of the story. And trying to make sure that we cover not just the diversity, but cover the active involvement of the different minorities in areas that affect all of us. And so that's a key goal of ours. I think the state is, it's changing as the population changes and that middle level, that middle age group starts to get smaller, who's going to support the older people? Who's going to support the younger people? And increasingly it looks to me, it's the immigrants coming to the state.

PORTER: What would be the most surprising to somebody from the outside do you think?

RYERSON: The number of Bosnians and Sudanese that are coming to our state. I think most people expect, because of the proximity to Mexico that the Latino population would be increasing. I think the Asian population is increasing nationwide. The newer immigrants from places that we don't traditionally draw immigrants from, Sudan, Bosnia those are the surprising figures, the numbers. And I'm just really astounded by how diverse the city of Waterloo is. Here you've got a city of something like 70,000, 77,000 people, with 14,000 African-Americans, 4,000 Bosnians, 1,000 Hispanics, I don't know how many Asians. I was just talking to the mayor. It's an incredibly diverse town. Probably the most diverse community in the state of Iowa. And they're working through this in many, many different ways. And I think it's very encouraging to see what happens. It's a great story that needs to be told.

PORTER: We'll pause her for a moment. When we return to Common Ground, we'll hear from the Mayor of Waterloo, Iowa.

JOHN ROOF: It's a struggle. It's a struggle on the human service agencies, it's a struggle on the people that are trying to get the message out.

PORTER: We're talking in this edition of Common Ground with a variety of people who are affected by the growing diversity of the population in the American Midwest. Printed transcripts and audio cassettes of this program are available. Listen at the end of the broadcast for details. Common Ground is a service of the Stanley Foundation, a non-profit, non-partisan organization that conducts a wide a range of programs meant to provoke thought and encourage dialogue on world affairs.

ROOF: When you get someone to come into Waterloo and find out the kind of diversity we have it surprises them.

PORTER: John Roof is Mayor of Waterloo, Iowa.

ROOF: We're about 13-14% African-American; we have a thousand or a little more Hispanics; we have Asians; and now we have 4,000 Bosnians, or will have by the time that the immigration closes in the next several months. So we are a diverse community and what I like to call Waterloo is the real world. This is where you can find out what it's like to exist in many of our major cities in America.

PORTER: Let's talk about the upside here. What's the good thing about having a diverse population?

ROOF: Well, it gives you an opportunity to celebrate and to get to know people from not only different cultures, but people who think differently. And it's a learning and growing experience for all of us. One of the things that we have been very successful at doing is celebrating this diversity one day a year during the My Waterloo Days celebration. We have a food in the park type atmosphere, where we have all of our cultures bring food and people gather around there, and it's about a 10 hour celebration. And the biggest question then is, why aren't we doing this more often? Why aren't we celebrating what each of us has to offer? So I think it allows our city to not only experience themselves but to grow in the process.

PORTER: There must be a downside, especially for someone like you trying to provide city services. What are the biggest challenges to having this kind of population?

ROOF: Well, I think, especially when you have an influx, a rapid influx, one of the downsides is affordable housing. Or transitional housing at least. With the diverse population and having people not understanding the value of diversity and the value of differences, you have a little slower social process. And what we're trying to do here is to get the affordable housing available to all of our people in need. We're trying to integrate 4,000 Bosnians in a population of 7,000 [sic]. We're trying to get people to understand and appreciate the differences that our cultures contain. So it's a struggle. It's a struggle on the human service agencies, it's a struggle on the people that are trying to get the message out.

PORTER: Without going into too many details, do you get state and federal help for this? We are working with the state and they are working to try to find ways in which they can get housing funds from HUD and working with us in the area of health and education. We do get some assistance and it's being able to put the plan together and making everyone understand what role they play and how we can get the job done that's been probably the biggest challenge.

PORTER: Why Waterloo? Of all communities, why do you think Waterloo has attracted this diverse population?

ROOF: Well, a couple of things come to mind. One of course, we have an employer like IBP that was looking for a stable workforce and actually went to the federal government and said "We will take immigrants to do these jobs." We have had, on the other hand, a city that has been open-armed to people of different cultures. With our strong railroad presence at the turn of the century, and with Rath Packing and John Deere and the heavy manufacturing jobs, you know, we would attract a melting pot type of group of people. And so I think probably our history, the fact that we have the jobs now that entertain that type of immigration, put that together, and maybe it's just because it's a great place to live.

JONATHAN LEUTH: The war in southern Sudan started in 1955. And that was the moment when the British were leaving Sudan, the northerners just came and took over the entire South. And so they were our second masters.

PORTER: Jonathan Leuth was among the first Sudanese to come to the Midwest. He's been here 15 years and he's now an Advisor at Iowa State University.

LEUTH: You know, the freedom of the Sudan was not related to the freedom of people of southern Sudan. So from there, southern Sudanese started fighting until 1972 when we had an agreement, then we had a lull for 10 years and then it started again in 1983. And one important thing Iowans need to know is that the current movement of southern Sudan is being led by an Iowan, you know. John Garang grew up in the state of Iowa, had his first degree in Grinnell College and then a Ph.D. at Iowa State.

PORTER: John Garang is the head of the SPLA, the Sudanese People's Liberation Army.

LEUTH: Yes. Yes. And John Garang and myself, we have the same rank. And the President of Sudan now, Omar, we are all of the same rank.

PORTER: The President of Sudan?

LEUTH: His name is Omar Bashir. So these are my colleagues in rank and when I came here with the knowledge that they have, what they did was, they went to my home, destroyed my village, looted everything. So I sent them a document and said that I cannot work with a government that kills my people. And I asked for political asylum and I was one of the first to be granted political asylum. Anyway, when I came here I had a diplomatic visa. And I was a diplomat in some form.

PORTER: Since this is a radio program a lot of people listening to you don't believe that you're an Iowan. How long have you lived here?

LEUTH: Oh, I have lived here for at least, since 1983. So I am 15 years in the state of Iowa now.

PORTER: Do you find it hard to find news from Sudan when you're here?

LEUTH: Yes. It's very hard. But with the technology, which I credit the computer system and all the Internet system, I am able to get a lot of information from home. And nowadays, you know, the last 3 years, the government of the United States has been so kind with the people of the southern Sudan. Because we have lost so many and you know, all the time there is something about southern Sudan. And the administration, the current administration, we are so lucky because Madeleine Albright was one time an Ambassador to Sudan. And she knows how this, the people in the government of Sudan, how they have abused and misused their powers over us in the southern Sudan. And so, at least we are happy that, you know, somebody in the top there, knows something about the flight of southern Sudanese people.

PORTER: Is Iowa a good place for immigrants to come live?

LEUTH: Oh I think so. In myself, for having been to the United States, I have traveled a lot all over the United States, I think Iowa is a unique place for an immigrant. First of all, opportunities are available. And one thing which is unique to Iowa is its educational system.. You know, the people in Iowa spend a lot of their money or they pay a lot for a school system to be perfect. And I am one of those, you know. I have, my daughter came here, started her kindergarten in Iowa. And she scored 34 out of 36 in ACT. And she's now at Berkeley. And all my kids, I have 5 now in college, you know, I wouldn't have had a situation to do that in any other state in the United States.

PORTER: Many Americans when they think of Iowa, they think of, they do not think of cultural diversity. But you see a different side of Iowa. Do you see Iowa as a culturally diverse place?

LEUTH: Oh definitely. You know, since I came to the United States and Iowa I know that, you know, 50%, 45% of Iowans are Germans, some are Norwegians. I have a lot of fun with my co-workers; some are Swedish and some are, you know, and I have seen how diverse Iowa is in terms of culture. I'm not talking in terms of being white anyway. But you know, diversity is not only a function of white and black. It is a function of ways you do things, how you think about things and as a result, to some extent, the addition of newcomers will make this ?? state diverse.

PORTER: John, when you bring Sudanese to the United States, when they come to Iowa, do you find sponsor families for them?

LEUTH: Oh, mostly the churches do that job. Lutheran church, Catholic churches, all those things. They sponsor. But as of now most of those who come in are sponsored by Sudanese who have already come. Like I can sponsor my cousins or my nephew or my sister and things like that. But you know, the base, the foundation was done by Iowans themselves..

PORTER: When you arrived in Iowa what was the most difficult part of your transition?

LEUTH: Oh, first of all, when I came, you know, I came in June I can't remember, it was around June 2nd, and it was so humid at that time, I didn't know the extent of humidity. And I thought that I was sick. You know, it was so sticky on my skin. And when I went to a student health center at Iowa State, they said, "Oh, you are not sick. It's just humid." (laughs) And then later on, when we, later on I realized that, you know, a lot of things at the state of Iowa are different from what I had in my country. You know, the type of food was the most shocking thing to me. I didn't get used to eating chicken until a little bit while later on. But you know, the state of Iowa, what I loved about it is, the corn itself. Because we grow corn back in Africa. It's usually sweet one. This one is not all sweet, except some.

PORTER: The thing I've noticed in Africa when I've seen corn fields is that they throw the corn out into the field. And it's at random. But in Iowa every ear of corn, whether it's in a garden or in a field, is in a straight row.

LEUTH: Yes, exactly. Because of technology, too, you know. (laughs) That is true. With us there, you know, everything is thrown there, because we, you know, most of our things are still natural. We have not tamed the nature yet. Which Iowa has a lot of it. And this is why I think a typical African, which has no way to come on over food production, should learn and come to this state. Because our problem in Africa how to provide enough for everybody to eat. After that, you know, you develop other things. And this is why I think this state is unique and I love the fact that my people are here. Sooner or later some of them will be engineers, agronomists, and all those things. And that knowledge, when we take it back to Sudan, I think we will compete with the United States in providing food. (laughs)

PORTER: That is Jonathan Leuth, one of the first Sudanese to move permanently to the American Midwest. He's now an advisor at Iowa State University. Our other guests have been Zeljka Krvavica, Bosnian Case Manager at the Iowa Bureau of Refugee Services; Jerry Heinauer, Director of the Omaha Office of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service; John Roof, the Mayor of Waterloo, Iowa; and Dennis Ryerson, Editor of the Des Moines Register. For Common Ground,
I'm Keith Porter..

Cassettes and transcripts of this program are available. The transcripts are free. Cassettes cost $5.00. To place an order or to share your thoughts about the program, please write to us at:
The Stanley Foundation, 216 Sycamore Street, Suite 500, Muscatine, Iowa 52761. Be sure to refer to Program No. 9815. To order by credit card you can call us at 319-264-1500. That's 319-264-1500. Transcripts are available at our Web site. Go to commongroundradio.org. Our e-mail address is
commonground@stanleyfdn.org.

Our theme music was created by B.J. Leiderman. Common Ground was produced and funded by the Stanley Foundation.

http://www.commongroundradio.org/shows/98/9815.html



This message has been edited. Last edited by: ricardomath,




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Posts: 5751 | Registered: May 21, 2003Reply With QuoteEdit or Delete MessageReport This Post
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John Garang


Here are some links that you might find interesting about John Garang, the Iowan who went on to be Vice-President of Sudan for three weeks.


I did a search on his name in this forum, and got one hit: Sudan and Southern Rebels Sign Deal Ending Civil War (Posted January 10, 2005)
http://africanamerica.org/eve/forums/a/tpc/f/79160213/m...471064202#6471064202
(John Garang is the Southern Rebel Leader of the Sudanese People's Liberation Army refered to in the headline and thread title.)


Here is his page at Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Garang


His BBC Obituary: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/2134220.stm


I also looked around over at NPR, and came up lots of hits: http://www.npr.org/search.php?text=John+Garang

Of particular interest is a 37 minute interview that NPR did with him, shortly after the peace agreement.

He assumed office as Vice-President of Sudan 5 months after this interview. Three weeks after assuming office, he died in a helocopter crash.

quote:

World
John Garang: A Conversation on Sudan
by Scott Simon


John Garang speaks after the United Nations Security Council met in New York on Feb. 8.

Weekend Edition Saturday, February 12, 2005 · John Garang, who for two decades led the People's Liberation Movement in southern Sudan, will soon be vice president in a new Sudanese government of national unity.

He says he hopes the new government will be able to end the widespread human rights abuses in the Darfur region of Sudan.

Audio: http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4496451
(Includes full 37 minute interview with John Garang)




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Jokers to the right...
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Posts: 5751 | Registered: May 21, 2003Reply With QuoteEdit or Delete MessageReport This Post
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I ran across this fall 2002 article in the ISU Alumni magazine.

TWO VOICES
IN THE LONGEST CIVIL WAR IN THE WORLD


The crowd of 1000 Sudanese and a few Americans packed the Memorial Union's Great Hall and broke into spontaneous song and thunderous applause when their hero -- John Garang -- told them about his vision for southern Sudan.

On March 23, John de Mabior Garang, the founder, chairman, and commander-in-chief of the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement and its army, and a 1981 graduate of ISU, returned to his alma mater. "The movement is on track," he told his audience, who had come from throughout the midwest to hear him speak. "We are united at home; you must unite here."

But one member of his audience – also an ISU graduate, and also a passionate southern Sudanese – disagrees. The movement to liberate southern Sudan from its oppressor is not on track, says John Lueth (M.S. 1983, political science), and his countrymen are far from united. "The movement is in shambles," he says. "We are not united. We do not have a diplomatic core that can topple the northern regime."

The two men – once best friends – are separated by their experiences, philosophies, and thousands of miles. Garang leads a guerilla army and an oppressed people. Lueth is a financial advisor for Iowa State. In his spare time, he crisscrosses the United States and Canada, lecturing and lobbying about his homeland – where he has been afraid to return for the past 20 years.

The two men share a love for a country that has become one of the most tragic and terrorized places in the world. The country has been at war for 33 of the past 44 years, and in the last 18 years, the war and accompanying famine have taken 2 million lives. The region has displaced more people than in any other conflict in history: 4.5 million Sudanese have been uprooted from their homes. Starvation and forced inscription of children to the military are rampant. Slavery is the suspected reason for the disappearance of thousands of women and children.

'What kind of independence is this?'

John Lueth traces the country's long, sad history back to 1947, the year he was born. That year, the British – who had ruled the country for the previous 50 years – gave the country its independence and attempted to unite the northern and southern parts. But the two regions are as different as it is possible for two countries to be. The northern Sudanese are light-skinned, Arabic-speaking, and predominately Muslim.

The southerners practice a variety of indigenous faiths and Christianity; they are dark-skinned Africans who speak English and a variety of tribal languages.

The geography is also different, and helped determine the country's fate. The flat desert of the north had made it possible for the British to subdue – and subsequently educate and westernize – the northern Sudanese to a greater degree than the south. The mountains and dense, fertile bush of the Nile-rich south had provided safe haven for militant villagers who have historically resisted British rule. The British gladly handed over all education functions of the south to Christian missionaries. Southern economic development was almost non-existent.

It was not surprising then, that when it came time to hand over the reins of power, that the British would hand them to the northerners, who represented less threat and who were more educationally and economically sophisticated. And it was not surprising that the fierce southerners would immediately resist their new rulers – this time northern Sudanese. "The southern people said, ˜What kind of independence is this?'" says Lueth, "and they became mad." When Lueth was 7 years old, a serious southern mutiny closed all the schools, and initiation to school was postponed for a year. By the time he was in middle school, using or teaching English in the schools was forbidden. "The intensity of the hatred became very bad," remembers Lueth. The long war had begun in earnest.

The son of an educated Christian missionary, Lueth grew up speaking a number of tribal languages in addition to English. Because his father traveled throughout the country, Lueth and his family did not share the fierce loyal tribalism that defined many of his countrymen. By the time he was 13, Lueth wanted only one thing: to fight northern domination. "I wanted to join the rebels in the bush, but they said, ˜You are too young; go get some education and come back later,'" Lueth remembers.

Lueth did come back later, and by the time he was 17 he was a lieutenant in the movement. He understood guerrilla warfare: how to blow up bridges, how to defend the countryside, how to buy ammunitions, how to attack convoys and take weapons. He became a highly educated and valued leader of the movement, receiving military training in Israel and a master's degree in military science. He was consistently at the top of his class, and spoke English, French, Lingala, Kiswahili, and Arabic.

Garang had also been pursuing higher education, but in a different way. He had joined the masses of students who fled Sudan in the early '60s at the height of the religious persecution and had graduated from high school in Tanzania. From there, he went to Iowa's Grinnell College to work on a B.A. in economics.

The first time John Lueth met John Garang, it was with a great deal of suspicion. Garang was a student from Grinnell College, visiting Lueth's military camp with a group of journalists, and toting a video camera. Camp officials began their relationship with the young college student by arresting him. "We soon released him and his colleagues," remembers Lueth. "We said, ˜You are innocent people; why don't you come and help us?'"

The movement was interrupted by a 1972 peace agreement with the north that would last for 10 tense years. The military forces of the north and south were combined into one military. From the beginning, the provisions of the agreement caused discord. As the southern armed forces were absorbed, its highest-ranking military officers were demoted. One of the few exceptions was John Lueth, whose language and military skills were noted by the northern regime. His rank was raised from 1st lieutenant to a three-star captain, and he became responsible for training and administering examinations to the country's young soldiers, including John Garang. The two men became friends and colleagues. When Garang returned to Iowa to attend ISU, Lueth helped care for his family.

Lueth was highly valued by the northern regime. When Garang and the late John Timmons, ISU professor of agricultural economics, recruited him to come to ISU in 1981, his U.S. visa was facilitated by no less than the president of Sudan. "Overnight, I found myself at Iowa State," remembers Lueth.

By then, John Garang had received his Ph.D. in economics from Iowa State and had returned to Sudan, where violence and anger were boiling – threatening to shatter the uneasy peace accord. The southerners had learned that, without their knowledge, the northern administration had secretly signed an agreement with Egypt to dig the Jonglei Canal, which would siphon water from the southern Sudan swamps and send it to the northern desert and to Egypt.

In addition to the canal betrayal, the northerners had begun to forcibly relocate the absorbed southern troops to live and work in the north. "They discovered that if all the southerners stayed in the south, it didn't look like one country," said Lueth. "So they tried to mix people up. But the southerners didn't want to go to the north. They became very angry.

"By the time I left for the United States, I knew that in a short time, people were going to fight again," says Lueth.

When violence erupted in 1983, the military called upon its most educated officers to help quell the conflict. Because he was a southerner, the administration believed Dr. John Garang would be the most successful officer to quell a mutiny of 500 southern troops in Bor, who were resisting orders to be sent to the north. When Garang arrived in Bor, the troops restrained him, demanding that he stay with them instead of returning to the north. He did not resist. Instead of quelling the rebellion, Garang joined it and encouraged mutinies in other areas. The 10 years of peace were officially at an end; another long, bloody war resumed. Today, Garang is recognized as the founder and chairman of the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement. He is the commander-in-chief of its army, which has grown to a force of more than 70,000.

The years that followed have been catastrophic, with southerners fighting not only against the northerners, but among themselves as well. "A power struggle began almost immediately after John Garang took over," says Lueth. Many educated southern officers were executed by the Sudanese People's Liberation Army (SPLA). "John found himself the only literate person, and it was hard to organize the movement. They became preoccupied with security. Before others could join, it had become a one-man organization. Educated people were not welcome; they were seen as a threat."

Lueth, studying political science at ISU, learned that his country was coming unraveled under the command of his friend. "All of my colleagues got killed in a very short time. Not by Arabs, but by the SPLA. So when I wanted to go back to the movement, people who loved me and cared for me said, ˜Don't come. You will not make a difference.'"

˜A guerilla fighter is like a fish in water, and the water is the people.'

The suddenness of the revolution, and what Lueth sees as Garang's lack of experience and readiness to be its leader, are only partial reasons for southern Sudan's lack of unity. "We – southern Sudan – have never been a nation," says Lueth. "Our nationalities are our tribes." While the northerners are united by their language and religion – Arabic and Islam – and by the shared experience of their education, the southerners' loyalties and experiences are fragmented. Tribes speak different languages. Christianity, which is not the majority religion, is not the unifying force that Islam is in the north.

"We must love ourselves as one people with things we cherish among ourselves, and which make us a nation," says Lueth.

In the 19 years since the SPLA was born, it has gained a reputation for disregarding human rights with dozens of human rights organizations, as well as with the U.S. State Department. While subjugation by the northern army is the root cause of the war, there are many charges that Garang's SPLA has been responsible for killing southern Sudanese villagers, taking slaves (of a differing, insubordinate tribe), diverting food meant to alleviate the suffering and starvation of southerners for military purposes, and kidnapping children to use as soldiers. In its 279-page study titled "Civilian Devastation: Abuses by all Parties in the War in Southern Sudan," Human Rights Watch/Africa devotes 169 pages to "SPLA violations of the rules of war."

"The leadership of the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement has committed itself repeatedly to eliminating these problems," reports a 2001 U.S. State Department report on human rights practices, released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. "However, in practice it appears unable to impose consistently those commitments in the field."

"Garang's military is irresponsible and undisciplined," says Lueth. "When I was in the early guerilla movement, we followed the teachings of Mao, who said, ˜A guerilla fighter is like a fish in water, and the water is the people.' If you don't have the trust of the people, you are lost. The SPLA has robbed and killed the very people it must depend on."

Garang bristles at the suggestion that there is any problem in Sudan other than northern oppression. "If someone sits on my shoulders and holds me down, who is the problem?" he asked in a VISIONS interview. "The person sitting on me, or I – who am being sat on?

"The north has used the issue of tribalism to divide and rule. It's not a new strategy," says Garang. "When people concentrate only on what they call the south/south conflict, they miss the point. They don't see the big picture."

Responding to questions about human rights abuses by the SPLA, Garang answers, "We are a human rights movement. We went to the bush in 1983 to fight for human rights and human dignity. We cannot violate the rights of fellow citizens while it is their rights that are violated by Khartoum (the capital of northern Sudan).

"There have been incidents of human rights abuses in the movement – we are commanding an army of 70,000, and have been in this war for 19 years. It would not be strange for such abuses to occur. Do we have mechanisms to correct such abuses? Yes we do."

Changing the equations of power: Sept. 11 and oil

If Garang and Lueth are divided in their analysis of the health of the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement and its army, they also disagree about strategies that will free their country. Both men are well aware of two developments that have dramatically altered equations of power between Sudan and the rest of the world: the potentially positive effects of Sept. 11 and the horrific effects of stepped-up oil production.

Sept. 11: A window of opportunity

Garang's stop at ISU in March was sandwiched between meetings with high-ranking U.S. officials – including former U.S. President Jimmy Carter and Defense Secretary Colin Powell – and dignitaries in London, Brussels, and Oslo. The purpose of the world tour was to take advantage of what he calls "a window of opportunity" created by Sept. 11.

Suddenly, there are new, compelling reasons for northern Sudan to enter the good graces of the United States. After Sept. 11, being identified as an extremist Muslim nation meant also potentially becoming a target of the United States' war on terrorism. "Khartoum was afraid that they might be treated like the Taliban," says Garang. "They started to cooperate with the United States and provide information about Bin Ladin and the al-Qaida."

The United States can use northern Sudan's conciliatory, post-Sept. 11 attitude to broker peace between the south and the north, says Garang. Also, if the north backs away from its identity as an extremist Islamic regime, this may also translate into relief from religious persecution for Christians in the south.

Oil production results in genocide

The fairly recent development and production of southern oil reserves in the Upper Nile by the north has also changed the equation of power. In the last few years, the north has developed a "scorched earth" policy, wiping out whole villages that stand in the way of oil development. In the past year, approximately 400,000 Nuer (a southern tribe) have been displaced and thousands more have been killed. The "blood oil" is being purchased by the west, including the United States, because one of the developers is on the U.S. Stock Exchange. Millions of dollars of oil revenues have allowed the north to acquire sophisticated weapons, which have been used to exterminate whole villages.

The atrocities resulting from the blood oil have helped prompt warring southern tribes to unite against an enemy that is growing stronger. "People who have been adversaries are realizing they are one people," says Lueth.

˜We will never be one people'

In spite of Garang's dislike and distrust of the northern regime, he believes negotiation is possible. "The government in Khartoum has not changed and will not change. But that not withstanding, we are willing to negotiate," he says. Garang believes that international pressures and the strength of the popular uprising will prompt the north to negotiate, in much the same way that the former white government of South Africa negotiated with Mandela.

But the nature of the peace Garang is negotiating worries Lueth. One of Garang's plans, for example, involves forming a national democratic alliance between the north and south, with a certain amount of "self determination" for the south (including religious freedom) rather like the relationship between the state governments of the United States and the U.S. federal government. Eventually, the country would vote on complete separation of the two regions.

But Lueth does not believe that a democratic vote would ever result in southern succession – the only solution he believes is viable. "It is in the interest of the north [for Sudan] to continue to be one country, because the south is rich with water and oil; they will never vote for two countries," says Lueth. "No constitution will ever secure our rights, because the legislature is controlled by the northerners. We will never be one people; there is no fit. Our values are too different. The north will enforce the language of Arabic and the religion of Islam on us, because they are the majority, and the majority rules.

"The integrity and nationality of the southern people can be preserved only by having an independent southern Sudan."

But specialists on the subject of Sudan say that the likelihood of Lueth's dream of two Sudans becoming reality is slim. "It's unlikely that the U.S. would support two [Sudanese] states," says Jemera Rone, counsel with Human Rights Watch/Africa. Egypt is an influential force in the world and in the United States, says Rone. Egypt will always resist splitting the two countries, because the country needs the water from the Nile of the southern region, and the African southerners are more difficult to negotiate with than the Arabic northerners.

And so the two men – who love the same country – go their separate ways. Garang has returned home to Sudan after his world tour, where he says he is beginning to build schools. "Our children cannot wait for peace. They must go to school now."

But Garang's nation-building process has come too late, says Lueth. "The power of the movement is concentrated in just one man, who is afraid to relinquish his power. He is preoccupied with his position, and that's not how a leader should be."

Over the years, John Lueth has asked his friend John Garang if there were a place for him in the movement. His questions have been met with silence.

"I don't give up," says Lueth. "All of these years, I'm believing that maybe next year I'll go home. I dream that maybe one day things will change. But dreams are not the things of a leader."

Lueth has made his own place in the movement, from his unlikely vantage point in Ames, Iowa, lobbying against Sudanese blood oil in which U.S. citizens unknowingly invest. He has been called upon to testify before congressional hearings, and is a popular speaker with college students and church groups.

He still considers John Garang his friend. The two men care about each other's families, and their history binds them together. But Lueth has serious doubts that the course Garang has taken will free their people.

"Somebody has to wither away in order for the rest to succeed. If this movement continues this way for another two or three years, the whole movement will wither away.

"If I got a call from my people, saying, ˜We need you, John,' then I would go home."

About the Writer | Karol Crosbie is the former associate editor of VISIONS magazine.


http://visions.isualum.org/fall02/twovoices.asp




Clowns to the left of me...
Jokers to the right...
Here I am, stuck in the middle with you.


 
Posts: 5751 | Registered: May 21, 2003Reply With QuoteEdit or Delete MessageReport This Post
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And the relationship of this African issue with African America is?

PEACE

Jim Chester


African Americans for African America
http://iaanh2.org


African American
Pledge of Unity

We stand, Together, after left alone in a land we never knew. We Bind ourselves, Together, with the blood and will of Those who have gone before. From the Bodies of our Ancestors thrown away, from the Pieces of Ourselves left to perish, We rise as One, a New Body in a New Land, a New People in a New Nation. Of Common Mind, Body, and Spirit, By Declaration of our Amalgamated Individual and Personal Authorities, We Are African America.

© James Wesley Chester 2004; 2008

You are who you say you are. Your children are who you say you are.
 
Posts: 8709 | Registered: August 05, 2003Reply With QuoteEdit or Delete MessageReport This Post
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Originally posted by James Wesley Chester:
And the relationship of this African issue with African America is?


Oh, I'm quite certain that there are relations between Sudanese Iowans and African-American Iowans (Did I put the hyphen in the right place?) in Des Moines. I just can't tell you very much about those relations.

Razz




Clowns to the left of me...
Jokers to the right...
Here I am, stuck in the middle with you.


 
Posts: 5751 | Registered: May 21, 2003Reply With QuoteEdit or Delete MessageReport This Post
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(Did I put the hyphen in the right place?)---ricardomath

If you know enough to ask, you enough to know there is a right and wrong.

If you 'put the hyphen in the wrong place', it is because you didn't care enough to 'put it in the right place'.

The clear question then becomes: 'What is your point in asking?

PEACE

Jim Chester


African Americans for African America
http://iaanh2.org


African American
Pledge of Unity

We stand, Together, after left alone in a land we never knew. We Bind ourselves, Together, with the blood and will of Those who have gone before. From the Bodies of our Ancestors thrown away, from the Pieces of Ourselves left to perish, We rise as One, a New Body in a New Land, a New People in a New Nation. Of Common Mind, Body, and Spirit, By Declaration of our Amalgamated Individual and Personal Authorities, We Are African America.

© James Wesley Chester 2004; 2008

You are who you say you are. Your children are who you say you are.
 
Posts: 8709 | Registered: August 05, 2003Reply With QuoteEdit or Delete MessageReport This Post
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Originally posted by James Wesley Chester:
(Did I put the hyphen in the right place?)---ricardomath

If you know enough to ask, you enough to know there is a right and wrong.

If you 'put the hyphen in the wrong place', it is because you didn't care enough to 'put it in the right place'.

The clear question then becomes: 'What is your point in asking?


I remember that there was a hyphen.

I don't remember where it went.




Clowns to the left of me...
Jokers to the right...
Here I am, stuck in the middle with you.


 
Posts: 5751 | Registered: May 21, 2003Reply With QuoteEdit or Delete MessageReport This Post
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I remember that there was a hyphen.

I don't remember where it went.---ricardomath

I am honored that you remember.

For Americans who are of unknown African ancestry, there is no hyphen.


PEACE

Jim Chester


African Americans for African America
http://iaanh2.org


African American
Pledge of Unity

We stand, Together, after left alone in a land we never knew. We Bind ourselves, Together, with the blood and will of Those who have gone before. From the Bodies of our Ancestors thrown away, from the Pieces of Ourselves left to perish, We rise as One, a New Body in a New Land, a New People in a New Nation. Of Common Mind, Body, and Spirit, By Declaration of our Amalgamated Individual and Personal Authorities, We Are African America.

© James Wesley Chester 2004; 2008

You are who you say you are. Your children are who you say you are.
 
Posts: 8709 | Registered: August 05, 2003Reply With QuoteEdit or Delete MessageReport This Post